In 2010, Americans drove for 85
percent of their daily trips, compared to car trip shares of 50 to 65
percent in Europe. Longer trip distances only partially explain the
difference. Roughly 30 percent of daily trips are shorter than a mile on
either side of the Atlantic. But of those under one-mile trips,
Americans drove almost 70 percent of the time, while Europeans made 70
percent of their short trips by bicycle, foot, or public transportation.
Link to the article in Atlantic Cities
Mass Motorization
Mass motorization occurred
earlier in the United States than in Europe, mainly facilitated by
assembly line production that brought down cost. By the mid-1930s there
was already one registered automobile for every two U.S. households,
while car ownership in Europe was mostly limited to wealthy elites.
Moreover, greater personal wealth in the U.S. allowed households to more
readily afford cars than comparatively poorer European households,
particularly in the years immediately after World War II.
Road Standards
As a result of early mass
motorization, American cities were first to adapt to the car at a large
scale. U.S. planners and engineers developed initial standards for
roadways, bridges, tunnels, intersections, traffic signals, freeways,
and car parking. Successful innovations quickly spread elsewhere, often
in the form of standards. Europeans also experimented with automobile
infrastructure—Stockholm opened a large inner city clover-leaf
interchange in the 1930s—but European cities adapted to cars much more
slowly than U.S. metros did, especially before World War II.
Vehicle Taxes
Taxation of car ownership and
use has traditionally been higher in Europe and helped curb car travel
demand. Today a gallon of gasoline is more than twice as expensive in
Europe than in the United States. Moreover, in Europe gas tax revenue
typically contributes to the general fund, meaning roadway expenditures
compete with other government expenditures. In many U.S. states and at
the federal level, large parts of the gas tax revenue are earmarked for
roadway construction, assuring a steady flow of non-competitive funds
for roads.
Interstate System
In the 1950s, the U.S.
federal government offered a 90 percent match to build the Interstate
Highway System that soon crisscrossed most U.S. urban areas.
Combined with urban renewal and slum clearance programs, interstates
destroyed and cut-off entire urban neighborhoods and facilitated
suburban sprawl (itself subsidized through mortgage policies). European
national governments also provided subsidies for roadways, but typically
at a lower level or for shorter periods of time. Moreover, European
highways, such as Germany’s high speed Autobahn system, typically link
cities rather than penetrate them.
Government Subsidies
Over the last 40 years,
gas taxes, tolls, and registration fees have covered only about 60 or
70 percent of roadway expenditures across all levels of U.S. government.
The remainder has been paid using property, income, and other taxes not
related to transportation. These subsidies for driving reduce its cost
and increase driving demand in the United States. In European countries,
meanwhile, drivers typically pay more in taxes and fees than governments spend on roadways.
Technological Focus
Policy responses to
problems of U.S. car travel have focused on technological changes rather
than altering behavior. For example, responses to air pollution or
traffic safety consisted of technological fixes — such as catalytic
converters, reformulated cleaner fuels, seat belts, and air bags — that
let people keep driving as usual. European countries implemented these
technological requirements as well, but also more aggressively reduced
speed limits in entire neighborhoods, created car free zones, reduced
car parking, and implemented other policies that encourage behavioral
shifts.
Public Transit
Sustained government support helped European transit systems to weather the rise of the car more successfully.
Particularly after World War II, privately owned U.S. transit systems
increased fares, cut services, lost ridership, and either went out of
business or were saved by public ownership — with help from U.S.
governments often coming too late. For instance, many cities saw their
trolley systems disappear entirely in the 1950s and '60s, though there
has been a streetcar reemergence of late.
Walking and Cycling
Only a few U.S. cities,
such as Davis, California, have a tradition of implementing pedestrian
and bicyclist amenities since the 1970s. By contrast, many European
cities, led by Muenster, Amsterdam, and Copenhagen,
have implemented entire networks of bike lanes, separated cycle tracks,
off-street bicycle paths, and traffic calmed neighborhood streets —
allowing easy travel by bicycle between any origin and destination in a
city or region. European cities also have a longer history of providing
networks of sidewalks, crosswalks, and car free zones in city centers.
Additionally, European traffic laws protect pedestrians and cyclists,
often putting the responsibility for a crash on the driver, while U.S.
traffic laws, police, and court juries often fail to prosecute or punish
drivers who kill pedestrians or cyclists.
Zoning Laws
There are many differences
between land-use planning systems in the United States and Europe.
Europeans tend to allow a greater mix of uses in their residential
zones, thus keeping trip distances shorter. For example, in Germany, a
residential zone can include doctors' offices, cafes, corner stores, or
apartment buildings. By contrast, single family residential zones in the
United States typically forbid those uses. Zoning in Germany also
occurs for smaller land areas—almost at the block level—facilitating
shorter trips than in U.S. cities, where zones tend to be much larger.
And while most U.S. zoning codes still require a minimum number of
parking spots, many European countries operate with maximum numbers to
limit parking.
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